By Mignon Fogarty LISTEN TO THE PODCAST
For a teenager, sneaking a beer is one thing; shooting
up heroin is quite another. Missing a parentally imposed curfew is
almost expected; disappearing for days is heart-wrenching. There is
risk, and then there is risk. Figuring out what differentiates
experimenting teenagers from delinquents and lifelong reckless hearts
is not easy; behaviors typically stem from complex social,
environmental, and biological interactions. Even defining risky conduct
can be difficult.
"Often, individuals [engaging in risky behavior] don't
think what they are doing is risky," explains Angela Bryan, an
assistant professor of psychology, University of Colorado. "We all
think we aren't going to get in an accident or we won't get [a]
disease. That is very adaptive; if we were terrified every time we went
out the door we'd never leave the house."
Researchers who study risk-taking, particularly in the
context of HIV infection, also struggle to find clear definitions. "You
can't put shooting up with drugs and having sex with your husband in
the same ballpark," says Mitch Katz, San Francisco's public health
director. Many married people use no protection and society does not
consider that risky, but if a partner injects drugs, a line gets
crossed. "Early in the [AIDS] epidemic, one of the things we learned
about women was that they were much more likely to become infected from
their steady partners than their casual partners, because they were,
from a medical standpoint, taking higher risks," he explains. But Katz
does not necessarily put those people in the same category as high
risk-takers, such as those who engage in backstreet racing or abuse
alcohol.
Katz says that drug use--another peril-pusher--puts
people at great risk of HIV infection: "There are a lot of reasons
people start using drugs, but the reason they continue is always the
same: addiction." Researchers may view HIV exposure through drug use as
courting danger, but an addict's reasons can differ from those of
drug-free risk-takers. "After a while, with the addiction, that is all
that matters to them. In those people I would say that risk-taking is
the wrong word; they stop caring." Katz also points out that sexual
behavior is frequently dictated by issues of intimacy and the desire
for closeness. Risk-takers in search of emotional ties through sex are
less likely to engage in other kinds of chancy behavior.
THREE HYPOTHESES
Not everyone who puts themselves in jeopardy can be categorized as
risk-takers, like those who flagrantly break traffic laws or commit
crimes. Researchers are trying to learn what makes danger flaunters
tick. One hypothesis: People who take perilous paths are
psychologically different. Terrie Moffitt, University of Wisconsin
psychology professor, studies antisocial behaviors such as crime and
violence, and says good evidence exists for a risk-taking personality.
"On personality tests, [risk-takers] not only score high on impulsivity
and low on things like conscientiousness and self-control, they also
tend to score very high on the tendency to have negative emotions [such
as anger and jealousy]," says Moffitt. Adds Bryan; "People who think
more about their future are more likely to protect themselves now." She
also notes that one's confidence in the ability to do certain things,
such as buying condoms and discussing their use with a partner--a trait
psychologists call self-efficacy--is important for choosing safe
behaviors.
But Moffitt also points out that personality cannot be
the whole story. "The problem is that differences between individuals
and their personality ought to pretty much stay the same throughout
their lives, but we know that risk-taking behavior is much more common
for teenagers, so there is also an age angle," she says.
This developmental hypothesis is multifaceted and
still under investigation. Perhaps the simplest explanation is that
peril-pushing gets harder as the years pass. "We can't expose ourselves
to AIDS, because we are less attractive and people aren't queuing up to
have sex with us," Moffitt jokes. She is quick to point out, however,
that although drug abuse has no age limits, young people still take
more drugs than adults. Another simple explanation for age-related
risk-taking: As people accumulate bad experiences, they lose their
sense of invulnerability.
Other researchers say that the recently created
maturity gap--caused by people reaching puberty much earlier and yet
working and marrying much later--is leaving adolescents with adult
bodies but no relevant social roles, causing them to act out. Parenting
may also play a role. Many studies, Moffitt says, have shown that
children who are monitored by their parents are better behaved; studies
have also shown, though, that good kids simply allow their parents to
monitor them. "The parents' perspective that they are the ones
controlling the situation is unrealistic," she says.
Researchers have tried to link risk-taking to the
hormones that rage during adolescence, but Moffitt says such studies
have been inconclusive. New neuroimaging technologies have shown that
the brain continues to develop into the early 20s; myelin sheaths, for
example, continue to grow around nerves through adolescence. "People
have said that maybe the adolescent brain isn't as capable of
self-control as the adult brain, but all we really know is that the
brain still isn't finished in adolescence," says Moffitt.
PATHWAYS AND DRUGS
Despite the complexity of risk-taking behavior, Bryan says that twin
studies have revealed that impulsivity and high sensation-seeking run
in families. Last year, Moffitt reported that an allele of the gene for
monoamine oxidase is linked to criminal violence in young adults who
were maltreated as children.1 "That finding has now put pharmaceutical
companies on the trail of what is going on with that neurotransmitter
[in behavior]," says Moffitt. Molecular geneticists have also linked
genes in the dopamine system to drug and alcohol dependence.
"Pharmaceutical companies are working away using that information to
find out if there is some pharmaceutical approach to preventing the
addiction, but there are no answers," she adds.
Moffitt also points to attention deficit disorder
(ADD) as a biological condition that influences perilous behavior. "ADD
is an excellent example of where we do have biological evidence that
some kind of deficit in the brain leads to poor [self-]control and
risky behavior," she says. ADD is not a good model for the biology
underlying adult risk-taking, however, because ADD is rare in young
adults, in whom risky behaviors such as unsafe sex, crime, and drug use
increase.
Finally, depression also correlates with risk-taking,
but it is amenable to intervention that might help people avoid harm.
"We looked at the mental health of young people who engaged in risky
sex; one of the strongest correlates for these young people was
depression," says Moffitt. This finding and those from personality
studies suggest to her that one reason people might take
life-threatening chances is that they have little, if any, self-esteem.
Moffitt believes that more studies should be done to determine whether
treating depression could reduce precarious conduct.
1. A. Caspi et al., "Role of genotype in the cycle of
violence in maltreated children," Science, 297:851-4, Aug. 2, 2002.
This article originally appeared in The Scientist, January 27, 2003, p25
Also published in The Calgary Herald (Canada) and the SIRS Knowledge
Source database